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Paradoxical as it may seem, our prior cases Adilt establish that a State may not prohibit sodomy within "the sacred precincts of marital bedrooms," [Griswold] or, indeed, between unmarried heterosexual adults [Eisenstadt]. In the case Lawrence v. First, the fact that the governing majority in a State has traditionally viewed a particular practice as immoral is not a sufficient reason for upholding a law prohibiting the practice; neither history nor tradition could save a law prohibiting miscegenation from constitutional attack.

The Court asserted that all laws are, to a certain degree, rooted in morality, and thus to strike down this one because it is "moral" would necessarily strike down most laws. In a strongly worded dissent, Justice Harry Blackmun condemned the decision.

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This legal Harrwick, however, was not long lived. After Hardwick prevailed in a federal appellate court, Georgia appealed to the U. Stanley itself recognized that its holding offered no protection for the possession in the home of drugs, firearms, or stolen goods. Bowers v. Even if the conduct at issue here is not a fundamental right, respondent asserts that there must be a rational basis for the law and that there is none in this case other than the pd belief of a majority of the electorate in Georgia that homosexual Handsome swm seeking attractive fem no strings is immoral and unacceptable.

He relies on Stanley v. First, petitioner asserts that the acts made criminal by the statute may have serious adverse consequences for "the general public health and welfare," such as spreading communicable diseases or fostering other criminal activity [I]t is not surprising that the record before us is barren of any evidence to support petitioner's claim.

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If not, may the State save the statute by announcing that it will only enforce the law against homosexuals? Moreover, it provided no special exemption for lioking couples. The Court concludes today that none of our prior cases dealing with various decisions that individuals are entitled to make free of governmental interference "bears any resemblance to the claimed constitutional right of homosexuals to engage in acts of sodomy that is asserted in this case.

Moreover, respondent has not raised the Eighth Amendment issue [below].

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This we are quite unwilling to do. Sodomy was condemned as an odious and sinful type of behavior during the formative period of the common law. If that right means anything, it means that, before Georgia can prosecute its citizens for making choices about the most intimate aspects of their lives, it must do more than assert that the choice they have made is an "'abominable crime not fit to be named among Christians.

Neither the State nor the Court has identified any such interest in this case. State intrusion into the private conduct of either is equally burdensome. That condemnation was equally damning for heterosexual and homosexual sodomy.

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That certain, but by no means all, religious groups condemn the behavior at issue gives the State no to impose their judgments on the entire citizenry. As the police searched for Hardwick in the house, they noticed a door partly open.

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This is not to suggest, however, that respondent may not be protected by the Eighth Amendment of the Constitution. The second possibility is similarly unacceptable. Plainly enough, otherwise illegal conduct is not always immunized whenever it occurs in the home. Although the meaning of the principle that "all men are created equal" is not always clear, it surely must mean that every free citizen has the same interest in "liberty" that the members of the majority share. Meyer, Prince, and Pierce fall in this category, as do the privacy cases from Griswold to Carey.

This is essentially not a question of personal "preferences" but rather of the legislative authority of the State. Finally, the Court rejected Hardwick's argument that even if homosexual sodomy was not "a fundamental right," it must be protected from "irrational state regulations," arguing that Georgia's law was rational even if its purpose was to "legislate" morality.

Texas, the Court declared a Texas antisodomy statute unconstitutional, ruling that homosexual sodomy is part of the fundamental right of adults to engage in private sexual activity. Sodomy is defined by the law as committing or submitting to "any sexual act involving the sex organs of one person and the mouth or anus of another.

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Either the persons to whom Georgia seeks to apply its statute do not have the same interest in "liberty" that others have, or there must be a reason why the State may be permitted to apply a generally applicable law to certain persons that it does not apply to others. All Married woman looking real sex Newport reserved.

The claimed right pressed on us today falls far short of overcoming this resistance. In [Palko] it was said that this category includes those fundamental liberties that are "implicit in the concept of ordered liberty," such that "neither liberty nor justice would exist if [they] were sacrificed.

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